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We are witnessing a unique period of time. For the first time in post-war Europe, there is a serious possibility that a government of the Left is elected. This alone represents a turning point in the course of events on a national and an international level – either propellant when it is successful or disastrous if it fails. In this sense, regardless of the view that one has for the reliability, the dynamic, the “enlargements” and the strength of SYRIZA (as concerns us we don’t expect too much), nobody should be indifferent to the possibility of forming a left government or should be waiting for the failure to prove its own consistency.

The situation is extremely difficult. Despite all the great struggles of the previous years the totalitarian meltdown with the Memorandums has not been halted, for reasons that can not be analyzed in this text. However, the combination of the government’s hardness and the large struggles radicalized broad social strata and caused major political upheavals. Even if the past is expressed mainly in the electoral field, this is in no way a reason for devaluation of this development. In fact the opposite is (should be) true: For all of us who believe that the popular mobilization and self-organization is a condition sine qua non for the project of social change, it is just us who have to evaluate the possibilities that a government of the Left can offer to the development of the mass movement and of course to the survival of the plebeian layers.

The intensity with which SYRIZA is treated from the Greek Right and the international political elite, this “civil-war-like” climate of terror lust and blackmailing, is indicative of the interest of the ones on “top” as regards the possibility of a left government. Why do they do that? Do they have parliamentary illusions … or do they maybe better know that in the era of neoliberal totalitarianism ruptures are forbidden because they could probably cause gaps in the hegemonial relation that they still keep with those at the “bottom”? If this counts, we consider perfectly normal, despite all the reservations and the disappointment because of the retractions and right-turning adjustments of SYRIZA, the choice of large sections of society but also of the movement to support SYRIZA in the elections in order to install a bar in the plundering of the people, in order to limit the space of lawlessness for the capital, of the despotism of the state, the mass media, racism and fascism inside and outside of the state apparatus.

But really, do we believe that a left government can do even a minimum if there is not maximum self-organization and mobilization of the people? Can such a government confront the international and domestic headquarters if it hasn’t given in advance real, tangible messages that it is with those from the “bottom”? And how does it do this? By suggesting them just patience and tolerance or strengthening in all areas participation and the demands of the people? But because it isn’t primarily government’s work to strengthen social self-organization, it is our obligation, against the passivity and the assigning to install the propulsive opposition to the government of the Left, this mixture of demands, pressure, independent structures of people’s power and social control in the means of production, the state apparatus and the Public Services, which is the only capable way of activating the workers and the unemployed, but also to allows to such a government to not exist as a mere [historical] parenthesis.

In this direction, purely as examples, we present some thoughts in the form of questions:

  • Does SYRIZA’s “package of TIF” [Salonica International Fair; SYRIZA’s Tsipras presented the party’s economical program there] satisfy us or do we have to demand immediately to prohibit mass redundancies and generally lay-offs in profitable companies, to give to the workers the closed and by their employers abandoned factories according to the model of the self-managed VIO.ME, to reinstate immediately categories of employees such as school guards, government’s cleaners, time employees of the Ministry of Culture and of all those who are on call?
  • Does the removal of extreme injustice and the questioning of the detestable “class racism” in the health and the education system satisfy us or do we need to immediately organize the struggle for “another State”, where in the hospital management participate the employees and the chronically ill, where the infrastructure of hospitals is strengthend in order to limit the – deliberate – transfer of services to the private sector, which loots the patients and the public insurances, to restraint 30% of the private sector health services for free coverage of the needs of uninsured, to use the profits of OPAP [statehold lottery services] to support the the public insurances, to restore an elementary democracy in the educational sector beginning with the restoring of the university asylum and the abolition of totalitarian laws for the evaluatiion of the university teachers and the election of the rectors?
    • And finally, because although “the people is hungry” but it must also breathe, the “economy” should not banish the “democracy”. Will we fight to eliminate in the first quarter of the Left government’s term the terror laws, the koukoulonomos [the law that characterizes any action at demonstrations etc. with a covered face a crime with a minimum punishment of 1 year imprisonment] and the prisons Type C [High Security Prisons], the politically forced obligation of strikers to resume work, to abolish the concentration camps for immigrants and refugees, to reopen the Public Radio and Television [ERT] according to the plan prepared by the employees who continue their struggle, to finally ensure religious freedom in all areas of public life – or do we condemn ourselves to the roles of commentators of the inaction of the others and to spectators of our own suffering?

Diktyo – Network for Political and Social Rights